the Northwestern States during the seventies. The fact that
the Grange did not take direct political action is immaterial: certainly
the order made political action on the part of the farmers possible by
establishing among them a feeling of mutual confidence and trust whereby
they could organize to work harmoniously for their common cause. Before
the advent of the Patrons of Husbandry the farmers were so isolated
from each other that cooperation was impossible. It is hard for us to
imagine, familiar as we are with the rural free delivery of mail, with
the country telephone line, with the automobile, how completely the
average farmer of 1865 was cut off from communication with the outside
world. His dissociation from any but his nearest neighbors made him
unsocial, narrow-minded, bigoted, and suspicious. He believed that every
man's hand was against him, and he was therefore often led to turn his
hand against every man. Not until he was convinced that he might at
least trust the Grangers did he lay aside his suspicions and join
with other farmers in the attempt to obtain what they considered just
railroad legislation.

Certain it is, moreover, that the Grangers made use of the popular
hostility to the railroads in securing membership for the order.
"Cooperation" and "Down with Monopoly" were two of the slogans most
commonly used by the Grange between 1870 and 1875 and were in large
part responsible for its great expansion. Widely circulated reprints
of articles exposing graft and corruption made excellent fuel for the
flames of agitation.

How much of the farmers' bitterness against the railroads was justified
it is difficult to determine. Some of it was undoubtedly due to
prejudice, to the hostility of the "producer" for the "nonproducer," and
to the suspicion which the Western farmer felt for the Eastern magnate.
But much of the suspicion was not without foundation. In some cases
manipulation of railway stock had absolutely cheated farmers and
agricultural towns and counties out of their investments. It is a
well-known fact that the corporations were not averse to creating among
legislators a disposition to favor their interests. Passes were
commonly given by the railroads to all public officials, from the local
supervisors to the judges of the Supreme Court, and opportunities were
offered to legislators to buy stock far below the market price. In such
subtle ways the railroads insinuated themselves into favor among t