en of his party as special
deputies; the Populist governor called out the militia.

The situation was at once too absurd and too grave to be permitted to
continue. "Sockless" Jerry Simpson now counseled the Populists to let
the decision go to the courts. The judges, to be sure, were Republican;
but Simpson, ever resourceful, argued that if they decided against the
Populists, the house and senate could then impeach them. Mrs. Lease,
however, was sure that the Populists would not have the courage to take
up impeachment proceedings, and the event proved her judgment correct.
When the struggle was finally brought to an end with the assistance
of the judicial machinery, the Republicans were left in control of the
house of representatives, while the Populists retained the senate.
In joint session the Republicans could be outvoted; hence a silver
Democrat, John Martin, was sent to Washington to work with Peffer in the
Senate for the common cause of silver.

The congressional and state elections of 1894 revealed the unstable
equilibrium of parties, and at the same time the total Populist vote of
nearly a million and a half reflected the increasing popular unrest.
In the West, however, the new party was not so successful in winning
elections as it had been in 1892 because the hostile attitude, sometimes
of the Populists and sometimes of the Democrats, made fusion impossible
in most cases. A few victories were won, to be sure: Nebraska elected a
free-silver Democrat-Populist governor, while Nevada was carried by the
silver party; but Colorado, Idaho, Wyoming, Kansas, and North Dakota.
returned to the Republican fold. In the South, the fusion between
Populists and Republicans against the dominant Democrats was more
successful. From several States, Congressmen were elected, who, whether
under the name of Populist or Republican, represented the radical
element. In South Carolina the Democratic party adopted the Farmers'
Alliance platform, swept the State in the elections, and
sent "Pitchfork" Tillman to the United States Senate as an
anti-administration Democrat. Tillman admitted that he was not one of
those infatuated persons who believed that "all the financial wisdom in
the country is monopolized by the East," and who said, "'Me, too,'
every time Cleveland grunts." "Send me to Washington," was his advice to
cheering crowds, "and I'll stick my pitchfork into his old ribs!"

Every political move in 1895 was calculated with refere