certain crops. In
Sullivan and Ulster counties, New York, a hundred Jewish farmers keep
summer boarders besides, and are on the highroad to success. Very
recently the New York society has broken new paths upon an individual
"removal plan," started by the B'nai B'rith in 1900. Agents are sent
throughout the country to make arrangements with Jewish communities for
the reception of workers from the Ghetto; and so successful have been
these efforts that at this writing some five thousand have been moved
singly and scattered over the country from the Atlantic to the
Pacific--that is, in not yet three years since the beginning. They are
carefully looked after, and the reports show that over eighty per cent
of all do well in their new surroundings. This result has been wrought
at a per capita expense of twelve dollars, not a very great sum for such
a work.
In its bold outline the movement contemplates nothing less than the
draining of the Ghetto by the indirect process of which I spoke. "The
importance of it," says the Removal Committee in its report for 1901,
"is found, not in the numbers removed, but in the inauguration of the
movement, which should and must be greatly extended, and which is
declared to be of far-reaching significance. The experience of past
years has proven that almost every family removed becomes a centre
around which immediately and with ever increasing force others
congregate. The committee in charge of the Russian immigration in 1890,
1891, etc., has evidence that cities and towns, to which but a very
small number of newly arrived immigrants were sent, have become the
centres of large Russian-Jewish communities. No argument is needed to
emphasize this statement."
It is pleasing to be told that the office of the Removal Committee has
been besieged by eager applicants from the beginning. So light is
breaking also in that dark corner.
There is enough of it everywhere, if one will only look away from the
slum to those it holds fast. "The people are all right," was the
unvarying report of the early Tenement House Committees, "if we only
give them half a chance." When the country was in the throes of the
silver campaign, the newspapers told the story of an old laborer who
went to the sub-treasury and demanded to see the "boss." He undid the
strings of an old leathern purse with fumbling fingers, and counted out
more than two hundred dollars in gold eagles, the hoard of a lifetime of
toil and self-denia
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