54: Morgan A. Dix, _Life of Dix_, Vol. 2, pp. 195-196.]

[Footnote 1455: October 30, 1874.]

When the opposition press began its agitation of a third term,
charging that the country was "drifting upon the rock of
Caesarism,"[1456] few men believed such an idea sincerely entertained.
Nevertheless, as the election approached it aroused popular
solicitude. Congressmen who hurried to Washington in the hope of being
authorised to contradict the accusation, returned without an utterance
to disarm their opponents, while the Democrats not only maintained
that Grant himself was not averse to using his official position to
secure the nomination, but that eighty thousand office-holders were
plotting for this end.[1457] As the idea had its inception largely in
the talk of a coterie of Grant's political and personal friends,
Conkling's eulogies of the President seemed to corroborate the claim.
So plainly did the _Times_ stagger under the load that rumours of the
_Tribune's_ becoming a Conkling organ reached the _Nation_.[1458] It
could not be denied that next to the commercial depression and the
insolence of the Canal ring, the deep-seated dissatisfaction with
Grant's administration influenced public sentiment. Excluding the
inflation veto the record of his second term had not improved upon the
first, while to many his refusal to disclaim the third-term accusation
became intolerable.

[Footnote 1456: New York _Herald_, July 7, 1873.]

[Footnote 1457: The _Nation_, October 29, 1874.]

[Footnote 1458: April 16, 1874.]

The municipal contest in New York City also developed embarrassments.
Barring a few appointments Havermeyer had made a fair record, having
improved the public school system, kept clean streets, and paid much
attention to sanitary conditions. Moreover, he distributed the revenue
with care, and by the practice of economy in the public works reduced
expenses nearly eight millions. The winter of 1873-4 proved a severe
one for the unemployed, however, and to catch their votes Kelly, with
great adroitness, favoured giving them public employment. This was a
powerful appeal. Fifteen thousand idle mechanics in the city wanted
work more than public economy, while thousands in the poorer
districts, seeking and receiving food from Tammany, cheered the
turbulent orator as he pictured the suffering due to Havermeyer's
policy and the hope inspired by Kelly's promises.

Havermeyer's accusations against Kelly also recoiled upon