nism, and
Rebellion," in the Blaine campaign of 1884. Immediately Clay's most
active anti-slavery supporters were in revolt. "We had the
Abolitionists in a good way," wrote Washington Hunt from Lockport;
"but Mr. Clay seems determined that they shall not be allowed to vote
for him. I believe his letter will lose us more than two hundred votes
in this county."[345] The effects of the dreadful blow are as briefly
summed up by Seward: "I met _that letter_ at Geneva, and thence here,
and now everybody droops, despairs. It jeopards, perhaps loses, the
State."[346] A few weeks later, in company with several friends,
Seward, as was his custom, made an estimate of majorities, going over
the work several times and taking accurate account of the drift of
public sentiment. An addition of the columns showed the Democrats
several thousands ahead. Singularly enough, Fillmore, whose accustomed
despondency exhibited itself even in 1840, now became confident of
success. This can be accounted for, perhaps, on the theory that to a
candidate the eve of an election is "dim with the self-deceiving
twilight of sophistry." He believed in his own safety even if Clay
failed. Although the deep, burning issue of slavery had not yet roused
popular forces into dangerous excitement, Fillmore had followed the
lead of Giddings and Hale, sympathising deeply with the restless flame
that eventually guided the policy of the North with such admirable
effect. On the other hand, Wright approved his party's doctrine of
non-interference with slavery. He had uniformly voted to table
petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia,
declaring that any interference with the system, in that district, or
in the territories, endangered the rights of their citizens, and
would be a violation of faith toward those who had settled and held
slaves there. He voted for the admission of Arkansas and Florida as
slave States; and his opposition to Texas was based wholly upon
reasons other than the extension of slavery. The Abolitionists
understood this, and Fillmore confidently relied upon their aid,
although they might vote for Birney instead of Clay.

[Footnote 344: Private letter, Henry Clay to Stephen Miller,
Tuscaloosa, Ala., July 1, 1844.]

[Footnote 345: Thurlow Weed Barnes, _Life of Thurlow Weed_, Vol. 2, p.
123.]

[Footnote 346: F.W. Seward, _Life of W.H. Seward_, Vol. 1, p. 724.]

That Seward rightly divined public sentiment was shown by the re