colleague of Millard Fillmore in the Congress that
passed the tariff act of 1842. He did not remain silent, but neither
his words nor his acts conveyed any idea of the gifts which he was
destined to disclose in the various movements of a drama that was now,
day by day, through much confusion and bewilderment, approaching a
climax. From a politician of local reputation, he leaped to the
distinction of a state leader. If unnoticed before, he was now the
observed of all observers. This transition, which came almost in a
day, surprised the Democrats no less than it excited the Whigs; for
Young lifted a minority into a majority, and from a hopeless defeat
was destined to lead his party to glorious victory. "With talents of a
high order," says Hammond, "with industry, with patient perseverance,
and with a profound knowledge of men, he was one of the ablest party
leaders and most skilful managers in a popular body that ever entered
the Assembly chamber."[352] Hammond, writing while Young was governor,
did not express the view of Thurlow Weed, who was unwilling to accept
tact and cunning for great intellectual power. But there is no doubt
that Young suddenly showed uncommon parliamentary ability, not only as
a debater, owing to his good voice and earnest, persuasive manner, but
as a skilful strategist, who strengthened coolness, courtesy, and
caution with a readiness to take advantage of the supreme moment to
carry things his way. Within a month, he became an acknowledged master
of parliamentary law, easily bringing order out of confusion by a few
simple, clear, compact sentences. If his learning did not rank him
among the Sewards and the Seymours, he had no occasion to fear an
antagonist in the field on which he was now to win his leadership.

[Footnote 352: Jabez D. Hammond, _Political History of New York_, Vol.
3, p. 537.]

The subject under consideration was the calling of a constitutional
convention. The preceding Legislature, hoping to avoid a convention,
had proposed several amendments which the people approved in the
election of 1844; but the failure of the present Legislature to ratify
them by a two-thirds majority, made a convention inevitable, and the
question now turned upon the manner of its calling and the approval of
its work. The Hunkers, with the support of the Governor, desired first
to submit the matter to the people; and, if carried by a majority
vote, taking as a test the number of votes polled at the las