a formal writing, and on a proper
stamp. But, he asked, if a man spoke to an audience of having had
conversations, explanations, and understandings, would they not apply
those conversations, explanations, and understandings to that
subject just as much as if it were written? Would it not be said that
explanation was the result, of that conversation; and that the result of
that explanation, in the case before the house, was the acceptation of
office by the right honourable gentleman? In alluding to the unusual
circumstance of a military man being at the head of the government, Mr.
Brougham used very emphatic language. He remarked:--"No man values more
highly than I do the services and genius of the noble duke as a soldier;
but I do not like to see him at the head of the financial department of
this country, with the full confidence of his sovereign, enjoying all
the patronage of the church, the army, and the state; while he is
also entrusted with the delicate function of conveying constant and
confidential advice to his royal master. This state of things strikes me
as being very unconstitutional. I am, indeed, told that the noble duke
is a person of very great vigour in council, and that his talents are
not confined to the art of war. It may be so. But that does not remove
my objections to his possession of so immense a mass of civil and
military patronage. It is said that the noble duke is incapable of
speaking in public as a first minister or the crown ought to speak. Now
I consider that there is no validity in that objection; for I happened
to be present when the noble duke last year had the modesty and candour
to declare, in another place, his unfitness for the situation of first
minister; and I really thought I had never heard a better speech in my
life, or observed less want of capacity in any one who might be called
on to take part in a debate. This therefore is not a reason with me for
objecting to the appointment. My objection rests on the unconstitutional
grounds which I have before stated, and on the experience of the noble
duke being wholly military. Let it not, however, be supposed that I am
inclined to exaggerate. I have no fear of slavery being introduced into
this country by the power of the sword. It would demand a stronger man
even than the Duke of Wellington to effect that object. The noble duke
might take the army and the navy, the mitre and the great seal--I will
make him a present of them all; let him