supporters in general of the
Ulster point of view. Among them were the Primate, the Moderator of the
General Assembly, the Duke of Abercorn, the Marquis of Londonderry, Mr.
H.M. Pollock, Chairman of the Belfast Chamber of Commerce, one Labour
representative, Mr J. Hanna, and the Lord Mayors of Belfast and Derry.
It was agreed that Mr. H.T. Barrie, member for North Derry, should act
as chairman and leader of the Ulster group, and he discharged this
difficult duty with unfailing tact and ability.

There was some difficulty in finding a suitable Chairman, for no party
was willing to accept any strong man opposed to their own views, while
an impartial man was not to be found in Ireland. Eventually the choice
fell on Sir Horace Plunkett as a gentleman who, if eagerly supported by
none, was accepted by each group as preferable to a more formidable
opponent. Sir Horace made no pretence of impartiality. Whatever
influence he possessed was used as a partisan of the Nationalists. He
was not, like the Speaker of the House of Commons, a silent guardian of
order; he often harangued the assembly, which, on one occasion at least,
he addressed for over an hour; and he issued manifestos,
_questionnaires_, and letters to members, one of which was sharply
censured as misleading both by Mr. Barrie and the Bishop of Raphoe.

The procedure adopted was described by the Chairman himself as
"unprecedented." It was not only that, but was unsuitable in the last
degree for the purpose in view. When it is borne in mind what that
purpose was, it is clear that the only business-like method would have
been to invite the Ulster delegates at the outset to formulate their
objections to coming under the Home Rule Act of 1914, and then to see
whether Mr. Redmond could make any concessions which would persuade
Ulster to accept something less than the permanent exclusion of six
counties, which had been their _minimum_ hitherto.

The procedure actually followed was ludicrously different. The object,
as stated by the chairman, was "to avoid raising contentious issues in
such a way as to divide the Convention on party lines,"[96] which, to
say the least, was a curious method of handling the most contentious
problem in British politics. A fine opportunity was offered to amateur
constitution-mongers. Anyone was allowed to propound a scheme for the
future government of Ireland, which, of course, was an encouragement to
endless wide-ranging debate, with the leas