upon them that this was the fall of
a notable leader, although they did not yet know that it was also the
close of a distinguished career. Mr. Redmond's demeanour throughout
what must have been a painful ordeal was beyond all praise. There was
not a quiver in his voice, nor a hesitation for word or phrase. His
self-possession and dignity and high-bred bearing won the respect and
sympathy of the most strenuous of political opponents, even while they
recognised that the defeat of the Nationalist leader meant relief from
pressure on themselves. Mr. Redmond took no further part in the work of
the Convention; his health was failing, and the members were startled by
the news of his death on the 6th of March.

Not a single vote was taken in the Convention until the 12th of March,
1918, when it had been sitting for nearly seven months, and two days
later the question which it had been summoned to consider, namely, the
relation of Ulster to the rest of Ireland, was touched for the first
time. The first clause in the Bishop of Raphoe's scheme, establishing a
Home Rule constitution for all Ireland, having been carried with Lord
Midleton's help against the vote of the nineteen representatives of
Ulster, the latter proposed an amendment for the exclusion of the
Province, and were, of course, defeated by the combined forces of
Nationalism and Southern Unionism.

Thus, on the only issue that really mattered, there was no such
"substantial agreement" as the Government had postulated as essential
before legislation could be undertaken; and on the 5th of April the
Convention came to an end without having achieved any useful result,
except that it gave the Government a breathing space from the Irish
question to get on with the war.

It served, however, to bring prominently forward two of the Ulster
representatives whose full worth had not till then been sufficiently
appreciated. Mr. H.M. Pollock had, it is true, been a valued adviser of
Sir Edward Carson on questions touching the trade and commerce of
Belfast. But in the Convention he made more than one speech which proved
him to be a financier with a comprehensive grasp of principle, and an
extensive knowledge of the history and the intricate details of the
financial relations between Great Britain and Ireland.

Lord Londonderry (the 7th Marquis), who during his father's lifetime
had represented an English constituency in the House of Commons and
naturally took no very prominent part