eadily as anything else. In the case of this country
President Roosevelt made a still further extension of the Monroe
Doctrine when, in 1905, he concluded a treaty whereby the United States
agreed to undertake the adjustment of the republic's obligations and the
administration of its custom houses, and at the same time guarantee
the territorial integrity of the republic. This arrangement was hotly
attacked in the United States as an indication of growing imperialism,
and, though it was defended as necessary to prevent the entrance of new
foreign influences into the Caribbean, the opposition was so strong that
the treaty was not accepted by the Senate until 1907, and then only in a
modified form with the omission of the territorial guarantee.

For the United States thus to step into a foreign country as an
administrator was indeed a startling innovation. On the other hand,
the development of such a policy was a logical sequence of the Monroe
Doctrine. That it was a step in the general development of policy on
the part of the United States and not a random leap is indicated by the
manner in which it has been followed up. In 1911 treaties with Nicaragua
and Honduras somewhat similar to the Dominican protocol were negotiated
by Secretary Knox but failed of ratification. Subsequently under
President Wilson's Administration, the treaty with Nicaragua was
redrafted and was ratified by both parties. Hayti, too, was in financial
difficulties and, at about the time of the outbreak of the Great War, it
was reported that Germany was about to relieve her needs at the price
of harbors and of control. In 1915, however, the United States took
the island under its protection by a treaty which not only gave the
Government complete control of the fiscal administration but bound it to
"lend an efficient aid for the preservation of Haitian independence and
the maintenance of a government adequate for the protection of life,
property, and individual liberty."

Since 1898, then, the map of the Caribbean has completely changed its
aspect. The sea is not an American lake, nor do the Americans wish it
to be such. In time, as the surrounding countries become better able to
stand alone, direct interference on the part of the United States will
doubtless become less than it is today. There is, however, practically
no present opportunity for a non-American power to establish itself and
to threaten the commerce or the canal of the United States.

F