ots, or to a few lines of march which the invading armies
had occupied.

In a civil war, however, it is very different. Every distinct portion
of the country, every village and hamlet, and sometimes almost every
family, is divided against itself. The hostility and hatred, too,
between the combatants, is always far more intense and bitter than
that which is felt against a foreign foe. We might at first be
surprised at this. We might imagine that where men are contending with
their neighbors and fellow-townsmen, the recollection of past
friendships and good-will, and various lingering ties of regard, would
moderate the fierceness of their anger, and make them more considerate
and forbearing. But this is not found to be the case. Each party
considers the other as not only enemies, but traitors, and accordingly
they hate and abhor each other with a double intensity. If an
Englishman has a _Frenchman_ to combat, he meets him with a murderous
impetuosity, it is true, but without any special bitterness of
animosity. He _expects_ the Frenchman to be his enemy. He even thinks
he has a sort of natural right to be so. He will kill him if he can;
but then, if he takes him prisoner, there is nothing in his feelings
toward him to prevent his treating him with generosity, and even with
kindness. He hates him, but there is a sort of good-nature in his
hatred, after all. On the other hand, when he fights against his
countrymen in a civil war, he abhors and hates with unmingled
bitterness the traitorous ingratitude which he thinks his neighbors
and friends evince in turning enemies to their country. He can see no
honesty, no truth, no courage in any thing they do. They are
infinitely worse, in his estimation, than the most ferocious of
foreign foes. Civil war is, consequently, always the means of far
wider and more terrible mischief than any other human calamity.

In the contention between Charles and the Parliament, the various
elements of the social state adhered to one side or the other,
according to their natural predilections. The Episcopalians generally
joined the king, the Presbyterians the Parliament. The gentry and the
nobility favored the king; the mechanics, artisans, merchants, and
common people the Parliament. The rural districts of country, which
were under the control of the great landlords, the king; the cities
and towns, the Parliament. The gay, and fashionable, and worldly, the
king; the serious-minded and austere, th