s through a
Representative House that, if the people would not govern themselves
by a Representative House in a certain particular manner, they must
not be allowed to govern themselves by a Representative House, but
must be governed by a non-representative House till they came to
their senses!

These remarks are not made speculatively, but because they express
the sentiments common throughout the British Islands at the time, and
explain what followed.

The first expectation after the usurpation of the Restored Rump had
been that there would be a civil war between the Protectoratists and
the Rumpers. For, though Fleetwood, Desborough, and the other
Army-officers at the centre, had been the agents in Richard's
downfall and had joined with the Republicans in restoring the Rump,
the chances of the Protectorate were by no means exhausted by
_their_ defection. While Richard lingered at Whitehall, his
Protectorship could not be said to be extinct, and whatever of
Cromwellianism survived anywhere apart from the central English Army
might be rallied for the rescue. There was Henry Cromwell and the
Army in Ireland; there was Monk and the Army in Scotland; there was
Lockhart and the Army in Flanders; there was the fleet under Admiral
Montague, a man marked even among Cromwellians for the ardour of his
devotion to Cromwell and his family; and there were other
Cromwellians of influence, dispersed from London by the recent
events, and carrying their resentment with them wherever they went.
Broghill and Coote were back in Ireland; Ingoldsby was on a visit to
Ireland to consult with Henry Cromwell; Falconbridge was in
country-seclusion; and the Marquis of Argyle (a Londoner and client
of the Protectorate for some years) was back furtively in Scotland,
to avoid arrest for his debts, and try new scheming. Then, if there
could be a combination of such elements, what masses of diffused
material on which to work! There was the great body of the English
Presbyterians, reconciled to Oliver's rule completely before his
death, and desiring nothing better now than a continuation of the
Protectoral system; there were the orderly and conservative classes
generally, including many Anglicans who had ceased to be Royalists;
and there were one knows not how many scattered Cromwellians, whether
in civil life or in the Army, whose Cromwellianism was, like
Montague's, less a political creed than a passionate private
hero-worship. Nor was this all. Lo