ngary
against Servia might bring Russia upon the field and therefore involve
us in war. * * * We could not, however, * * * advise our ally to take a
yielding attitude not compatible with his dignity." The German
Government admits having known the tenor of the Austrian note
beforehand, when it was concealed from all the other powers; admits
backing it up after it was issued; admits that it knew the note was
likely to precipitate war; and admits that, whatever professions it made
to the other powers, in private it did not advise Austria to abate one
jot of her demands. This, to our minds, is tantamount to admitting that
Germany has, together with her unfortunate ally, deliberately provoked
the present war.

One point we freely admit. Germany would very likely have preferred not
to fight Great Britain at this moment. She would have preferred to
weaken and humiliate Russia; to make Servia a dependent of Austria; to
render France innocuous and Belgium subservient; and then, having
established an overwhelming advantage, to settle accounts with Great
Britain. Her grievance against us is that we did not allow her to do
this.

*Britain's Love of Peace.*

So deeply rooted is Great Britain's love of peace, so influential among
us are those who have labored through many difficult years to promote
good feeling between this country and Germany, that, in spite of our
ties of friendship with France, in spite of the manifest danger
threatening ourselves, there was still, up to the last moment, a strong
desire to preserve British neutrality, if it could be preserved without
dishonor. But Germany herself made this impossible.

Great Britain, together with France, Russia, Prussia, and Austria, had
solemnly guaranteed the neutrality of Belgium. In the preservation of
this neutrality our deepest sentiments and our most vital interests are
alike involved. Its violation would not only shatter the independence of
Belgium itself: it would undermine the whole basis which renders
possible the neutrality of any State and the very existence of such
States as are much weaker than their neighbors. We acted in 1914 just as
we acted in 1870. We sought from both France and Germany assurances that
they would respect Belgian neutrality. In 1870 both powers assured us of
their good intentions, and both kept their promises. In 1914 France gave
immediately, on July 31, the required assurance; Germany refused to
answer. When, after this sinister silence