the historical point of view, so closely
associated,--I refer, of course, to the revolutionary contention that
representation is a necessary adjunct to taxation. This principle also,
it is frankly argued, we have outgrown, in presence of our new
responsibilities; and, as between the superior and inferior races, it is
subject to obvious limitations. Here again, as between the policy of the
"Open Door" and the Closed-Colonial-Market policy, the superior race is
amenable to its own conscience only. It will doubtless on all suitable
and convenient occasions bear in mind that it is a "Trustee for
Civilization."

Finally, as respects entangling foreign alliances, and their necessary
consequents, costly and burdensome armaments and large standing armies,
we are again advised that, having ceased to be children, we should put
away childish things. Having become a great World Power we must become a
corresponding War Power. We are assured by high authority that, were
Washington now alive, it cannot be questioned he would in all these
respects modify materially the views expressed in the Farewell Address,
as being obviously inapplicable to existing conditions. Under these
circumstances, and in view of the obligations we have assumed, the
President, and Secretaries of War and the Navy, recommend an
establishment the annual cost of which ($200,000,000), exclusive of
military pensions, is in excess of the largest of those European War
Budgets, over the crushing influence of which we have expressed a
traditional wonder, not unmixed with pity for the unfortunate tax-payer.

Historically speaking, I believe these are all facts, susceptible of
verification. I do not mean to say that the arguments developing obvious
limitations in the application of the principles of the Declaration and
the Constitution have been avowedly accepted by our representatives, or
officially incorporated into our domestic and foreign policy. I do
assert as an historical fact that these arguments have been advanced,
and are meeting, both in Congress and with the press, a large degree of
acceptance. And hence comes a singular and most significant conclusion
from which, historically, there seems to be no escape. It may or it may
not be fortunate and right; it may or it may not lead to beneficent
future results; it may or it may not contribute to the good of mankind.
Those questions belong elsewhere than in the rooms of an historical
society. Upon them we are not ca