d is sweet.

_IV.--Republican Principles_

The sovereignty of the people, universal suffrage, and the liberty of
the Press are all the same thing under three different names. The three
together constitute the whole of our public right; the first is its
principle, the second its manner, and the third its expression. The
three principles are indissoluble from one another. The sovereignty of
the people is the life-giving soul of the nation, universal suffrage its
government, the Press its illumination; but they are all really one, and
that unity is the republic. It is curious to notice how these principles
appear again in the watchword of the republic; for the sovereignty of
the people creates liberty, universal suffrage creates equality, and the
Press, which enlightens the general mind, creates fraternity.

Wherever these three great principles exist in their powers and
plenitude there is the republic, even though it be known as monarchy.
Wherever, on the other hand, they are betrayed, hindered, or oppressed,
the actual state is a monarchy or an oligarchy, even though it goes
under the name of a republic. In the latter case we see the monstrous
phenomenon of a government betrayed by its proper guardians, and it is
this phenomenon that makes the stoutest hearts begin to be doubtful of
revolutions. For revolutions are vast, ill-guided movements, which bring
forth out of the darkness at one and the same time the greatest of ideas
and the smallest of men; they are movements which we welcome as salutary
when we look at their principles, but which we can only call
catastrophes when he consider the character of their leaders.

Let us never forget that our three first principles live with a common
life, and mutually defend one another. If the Liberty of the Press is in
danger, the suffrages of the people arise and protect it; and, again, if
the franchise is threatened, it is safeguarded by the freedom of the
Press. Any attempt against either of them is a treachery to the
sovereignty of the people.

The movement of this great nineteenth century is the movement not of one
people only, but of all. France leads, and the nations follow. We are
passing from the old world to the new, and our governors attempt in vain
to arrest ideas by laws. There is in France and in Europe a party
inspired by fear, which is not to be accounted the party of order; and
its incessant question is: Who is to blame?

In the crisis through which we