ed by precedent, and even by statute, were a violation
of liberty, and must, by necessary consequence, render all parliaments
superfluous, this was the proper expedient for opening the eyes of the
whole nation. The example of Henry VIII., who had once, in his arbitrary
reign, practiced a like method of levying a regular supply, was
generally deemed a very insufficient authority.

* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 415.

** Rushworth, vol. i. p. 416.

*** Rushworth, vol. i. p. 418. Whitlocke, p. 8.

The commissioners appointed to levy these loans, among other articles
of secret instruction, were enjoined, "If any shall refuse to lend, and
shall make delays or excuses, and persist in his obstinacy, that they
examine him upon oath, whether he has been dealt with to deny or refuse
to lend, or make an [excuse] for not lending? Who has dealt with him,
and what speeches or persuasions were used to that purpose? And that
they also shall charge every such person, in his majesty's name, upon
his allegiance, not to disclose to any one what his answer was."[*] So
violent an inquisitorial power, so impracticable an attempt at secrecy,
were the objects of indignation, and even, in some degree, of ridicule.

That religious prejudices might support civil authority, sermons were
preached by Sibthorpe and Manwaring, in favor of the general loan; and
the court industriously spread them over the kingdom. Passive obedience
was there recommended in its full extent, the whole authority of
the state was represented as belonging to the king alone, and all
limitations of law and a constitution were rejected as seditious and
impious.[**] So openly was this doctrine espoused by the court, that
Archbishop Abbot, a popular and virtuous prelate, was, because he
refused to license Sibthorpe's sermon, suspended from the exercise of
his office, banished from London, and confined to one of his country
seats.[***] Abbot's principles of liberty, and his opposition to
Buckingham, had always rendered him very ungracious at court, and had
acquired him the character of a Puritan. For it is remarkable, that
this party made the privileges of the nation as much a part of their
religion, as the church party did the prerogatives of the crown: and
nothing tended further to recommend among the people, who always take
opinions in the lump, the whole system and all the principles of the
former sect. The king soon found by fatal experience, that this
engine of