under the now limited authority of the king. But as
these points could not be supposed be clear during the time as they are,
or may be, at present, there are great reasons of alleviation for men
who were heated by the controversy, or engaged in the action. And it
is remarkable, that even at present, (such is the force of party
prejudices,) there are few people who have coolness enough to see these
matters in a proper light, or are convinced that the parliament could
prudently have stopped in their pretensions. They still plead the
violations of liberty attempted by the king, after granting the petition
of right; without considering the extreme harsh treatment which he
met with after making that great concession, and the impossibility of
supporting government by the revenue then settled on the crown. The
worst of it is, that there was a great tang of enthusiasm in the conduct
of the parliamentary leaders, which, though it might render their
conduct sincere, will not much enhance their character with posterity.
And though Hambden was, perhaps, less infected with this spirit than
many of his associates, he appears not to have been altogether free from
it. Eds intended migration to America, where he could only propose the
advantage of enjoying Puritanical prayers and sermons, will be allowed a
proof of the prevalence of this spirit in him.]

[Footnote 14: NOTE N, p. 260. In a letter of the king to the queen,
preserved in the British Museum, and published by Mrs. Macaulay, (vol.
iv. p. 420,) he says, that unless religion was preserved, the militia
(being not, as in France, a formed powerful strength) would be of little
use to the crown; and that if the pulpits had not obedience, which would
never be if Presbyterian government was absolutely established, the king
would have but small comfort of the militia. This reasoning shows the
king's good sense, and proves that his attachment to Episcopacy, though
partly founded on religious principles, was also, in his situation,
derived from the soundest views of civil policy. In reality, it was easy
for the king to perceive, by the necessary connection between trifles
and important matters, and by the connection maintained at that time
between religion and politics, that, when he was contending for the
surplice, he was in effect fighting for his crown, and even for his
head. Few of the popular party could perceive this connection. Most of
them were carried headlong by fanaticism; as