Roumania would
defend its territory to the last, by armed force if necessary; but it
soon appeared that none of the Powers took any interest in the matter,
and, thanks to the prudence of Prince Charles, the proud little nation
gradually schooled itself to accept the inevitable[164].

[Footnote 164: Parl. Papers, Turkey, No. 30 (1878); also _Reminiscences
of the King of Roumania_, chs. x. xi.]

The peace of Europe now turned on the question whether the Treaty of
San Stefano would be submitted as a whole to the Congress of the Powers
at Berlin; England claimed that it must be so submitted. This
contention, in its extreme form, found no support from any of the
Powers, not even from Austria, and it met with firm opposition from
Russia. She, however, assured the Viennese Court that the Congress would
decide which of the San Stefano terms affected the interests of Europe
and would pronounce on them. The Beaconsfield Cabinet later on affirmed
that "every article in the treaty between Russia and Turkey will be
placed before the Congress--not necessarily for acceptance, but in order
that it may be considered what articles require acceptance or
concurrence by the several Powers and what do not[165]."

[Footnote 165: Lord Derby to Sir H. Elliot, March 13, 1878. Turkey, No.
xxiv. (1878), No 9, p. 5.]

When this much was conceded, there remained no irreconcilable
difference, unless the treaty contained secret articles which Russia
claimed to keep back from the Congress. As far as we know, there were
none. But the fact is that the dispute, small as it now appears to us,
was intensified by the suspicions and resentment prevalent on both
sides. The final decision of the St. Petersburg Government was couched
in somewhat curt and threatening terms: "It leaves to the other Powers
the liberty of raising such questions at the Congress as they may think
it fit to discuss, and reserves to itself the liberty of accepting, or
not accepting, the discussion of these questions[166]."

[Footnote 166: _Ibid_. No. 15, p. 7.]

This haughty reply, received at Downing Street on March 27, again
brought the two States to the verge of war. Lord Beaconsfield, and all
his colleagues but one, determined to make immediate preparations for
the outbreak of hostilities; while Lord Derby, clinging to the belief
that peace would best be preserved by ordinary negotiations, resigned
the portfolio for foreign affairs (March 28); two days later he was
succeeded