all this?
What is this but an acknowledgment of
What is your opinion?
What then remains?
What we do say is
When all has been said, there remains
When I look around me
When it can be shown that
When it is recognized that
When that is said, all is said
When we contemplate the
When we reflect on these sentiments
Where there is prejudice, it is no use to argue.
Who finds fault with these things?
Why should an argument be required to prove that
Why should it be necessary to confirm
Will you tell me how
With possibly a single exception
With regard to what has been stated

Yet it is plain
Yet, strange to say,
You and I may hold that
You can not assert that
You can not invent a series of argument
You can not say that
You do not pretend that
You have the authority of
You know as well as I do
You may object at once, and say
You may object that
You may point, if you will, to
You may search the history of
You tell me that
You will say that

PARAGRAPHS FROM NOTABLE SPEECHES

Let me here pause once more to ask whether the book in its genuine
state, as far as we have advanced in it, makes the same impression on
your minds now as when it was first read to you in detached passages;
and whether, if I were to tear off the first part of it, which I hold in
my hand, and give it to you as an entire work, the first and last
passages, which have been selected as libels on the Commons, would now
appear to be so when blended with the interjacent parts? I do not ask
your answer--I shall have it in your verdict. THOMAS LORD ERSKINE.

From "Speech in Behalf of Stockdale."

* * * * *

Indeed, many of the statements we now read of the necessity of the wise
governing the weak and ignorant are almost literal reproductions of the
arguments advanced by the slaveholders of the South in defence of
slavery just preceding the outbreak of the Civil War. That divergence
from our original ideal produced the pregnant sayings of Mr. Lincoln, "A
house divided against itself can not stand," and its corollary, "This
nation can not permanently endure half slave and half free." He saw
dearly that American democracy must rest, if it continued to exist, upon
the ethical ideal which presided over its birth--that of the absolute
equality of all men in political rights. WAYNE MACVEAGH.

From, "Ideals in American Politics."

* * * * *

The idea of liberty is license; it is no