sion, were
evidently on the point of deciding for themselves; and the "King's
friends"--a party unknown to the constitution, but perfectly knowing,
and known by, the treasury--began to move away by small sections; and,
crowded as the clubs were during the day, I never saw the minister rise
with so few of his customary troops behind him. But the Opposition bench
was crowded to repletion; and their leader sat looking round with
good-humoured astonishment, and sometimes with equally good-humoured
burlesque, on the sudden increase of his recruits. The motion was in
answer to a royal message on continental subsidies. Nothing could have
been more difficult than the topic at that juncture. But I never
listened to Pitt with more genuine admiration. Fox, in his declamatory
bursts, was superior to every speaker whom I have ever heard. His
appearance of feeling was irresistible. It seemed that, if one could
have stripped his heart, it could scarcely have shown its pulsations
more vividly to the eye, than they transpired from his fluent and most
eloquent tongue. But if Fox was the most powerful of declaimers, Pitt
was the mightiest master of the language of national council. He, too,
could be occasionally glowing and imaginative. He could even launch the
lighter weapons of sarcasm with singular dexterity; but his true rank
was as the ruler of Empire, and his true talent was never developed but
when he spoke for the interests of Empire.

On this night he was more earnest and more impressive than ever; the
true description would have been, more _imperial_. He spoke, less like a
debater, than like one who held the sceptre in his hand; and one who
also felt that he was transmitting his wisdom as a parting legacy to a
great people.

A portion of that speech, which ought never to be forgotten by the
leaders of public affairs in England, was singularly full and powerful.
Referring to the calumniated Revolution of 1688--"We now stand," said
he, "almost in the same position with respect to France and Europe, in
which the government of William III. stood a century ago. We have only
to substitute the democracy of France for the monarchy; and Europe
enfeebled by the shocks of war, as it is now, for Europe untouched and
intrepid, awake to the ambition of the French king, and determined to
meet him sword in hand. But the King of England was even then the
guiding mind of Europe. I now demand, what was the redeeming policy of
that pre-eminent so