ox, in his
History of the Exchequer, (p. 522, 523, 524,) has endeavored, and with
great reason, to destroy the authority of this petition for the purpose
alleged. He asserts, first, that there was no such tenure in England
is that of holding by attendance in parliament, instead of all other
service. Secondly, that the borough of St. Albans never held of take
crown at all, but was always demesne land of the abbot. It is no wonder,
therefore, that a petition which advances two falsehoods, should contain
one historical mistake, which indeed amounts only to an inaccurate and
exaggerated expression; no strange matter in ignorant burgesses of that
age. Accordingly, St. Albans continued still to belong to the abbot. It
never held of the crown, call after the dissolution of the monasteries.
But the assurance of these petition *ers is remarkable. They wanted to
shake off the authority of their abbot, and to hold of the king; but
were unwilling to pay any services even to the crown; upon which they
framed this idle petition, which later writers have made the foundation
of so many inferences and conclusions. From the tenor of the petition it
appears, that there was a close connection between holding of the crown
and being represented in parliament. The latter had scarcely ever place
without the former; yet we learn from Tyrell's Append. vol. iv. that
there were some instances to the contrary. It is not improbable that
Edward followed the roll of the earl of Leicester, who had summoned,
without distinction, all the considerable boroughs of the kingdom; among
which there might be some few that did not hold of the crown. Edward
also found it necessary to impose taxes on all the boroughs in the
kingdom, without distinction. This was a good expedient for augmenting
his revenue. We are not to imagine, because the house of commons have
since become of great importance, that the first summoning of them would
form any remarkable and striking epoch, and be generally known to
the people even seventy or eighty years after. So ignorant were the
generality of men in that age, that country burgesses would readily
imagine an innovation, seemingly so little material, to have existed
from time immemorial, because it was beyond their own memory, and
perhaps that of their fathers. Even the parliament in the reign of Henry
V. say, that Ireland had, from the beginning of time, been subject to
the crown of England. (See Brady.) And surely if any thing int