resided at the treasury board, and to confine myself to those
instances, which Mr. Fox had occasion to mention in treating my subject.
Was there not the late chancellor of the exchequer, who has been
severest in his censures of lord North, and the lord advocate of
Scotland, who was his principal supporter, and was for pushing the
American measures, even to greater lengths, than the noble patron
himself? Was there not the master general of the ordnance, who has ever
gone farthest in his view of political reform, and declaimed most warmly
against secret influence; and the lord chancellor, the most determined
enemy of reform, and who has been supposed the principal vehicle of that
influence? Lastly, was there not, in the same manner, the secretary of
state for the home department, who was most unwearied in his invectives
against lord Bute; and the right honourable Mr. Jenkinson, who has been
considered by the believers in the invisible power of that nobleman, as
the chief instrument of his designs.

With these examples of the necessity of powerful support and extensive
combination, what mode of conduct was it, that it was most natural, most
virtuous, and most wise, for the Rockingham connexion to adopt? I
confess, I can perceive none more obvious, or more just, than that which
they actually adopted, a junction with the noble commoner in the blue
ribbon. At least, from what has been said, I trust, thus much is evident
beyond control, that they had just reason to consider themselves
abstractedly, as too weak for the support of government.

Still further to strengthen my argument, I affirm, in the third place,
that they were not the men, whose services were likely to be called for
by the Sovereign. I believe, that this proposition will not be thought
to stand in need of any very abstruse train of reasoning to support it.
The late events respecting it have been, instead of a thousand
arguments. From an apprehension, probably, of the uncourtierliness of
their temper, and their inflexible attachment to a system; it seems to
appear by those events, that the sovereign had contracted a sort of
backwardness to admit them into his councils, which it is to be hoped,
was only temporary. It was however such, as, without any other apparent
cause to cooperate with it, alone sufficed to delay the forming an
administration for six weeks, in a most delicate and critical juncture.
Even the union of that noble person, who had been considered a