rer. We are a drawback--a dead weight on the cause of bleeding
humanity.' And a late number of the Edinburgh Review, speaking of the
application of the British Government to this, for its co-operation,
says, 'The final answer, however, is, that _under no condition, in no
form, and with no restrictions, will the United States enter into any
convention or treaty, or make combined efforts of any sort or kind,
with other nations for the suppression of the trade_.' With what face,
then, can she claim praise for having merely made a law, which she
almost never executes, and to the execution of which, by others, she
permits her flag to be used as a hindrance.

The next assertion of Mr. B's that we notice, is the astounding one,
that America, 'as a nation, has done every thing in her power' for the
abolition of slavery. See page 8. This, while the national domain is
the home of slavery and the seat of the slave trade! While the
domestic slave trade, so far from being abolished by the National
Legislature, as it may constitutionally be, is shielded and licensed!
This, while the moral power of the nation is slumbering, or if awake,
arrayed to a great extent, in the defence of slavery! That a man who
values his reputation--that a minister of the gospel of Mr. B's
intelligence and knowledge of the country's condition and history in
regard to this matter, should make such a declaration, is truly most
wonderful. Could he have expected it to be believed? Could he have
believed it himself?

Mr. B., page 15, by way of explaining why Mr. Thompson was so
differently received in Glasgow and Boston, applauded in the one
place, and abused in the other, says that he took up the question of
slavery as one of political organization. We give to this assertion,
the answer of the editor of the Emancipator. 'This we pronounce
_utterly and unequivocally false_. We were with Mr. Thompson, while he
was in this country, as much probably as any other one individual. We
were with him in private and in public, in the house and by the way,
in the public convention and the public lecture, and we most solemnly
declare, that we never heard George Thompson, on any occasion, take up
or discuss the question of American Slavery, 'as one of civil
organization.' He always discussed it primarily and essentially as a
moral and religious question, and never went into its political
relations and bearings, except to answer the objections of cavillers
and opponents. An