together in
England before, and resolutions were passed by acclamation which were
almost revolutionary in their character. In many cities and towns
appeals were made for a run on the {178} bank, a run for gold, and
there were alarming signs that the advice was likely to be followed to
such a degree as to bring about utter confusion in the money market.
In the City of London an immense meeting was held, at which resolutions
were passed calling on the House of Commons to stop the supplies unless
the King accepted the councils of the Whig statesmen and gave them
authority for the election of new peers. The overwhelming strength of
the demand for reform may be easily estimated when it is remembered
that the majority in the great cities and towns, and also in the
counties, were for once of the same opinion. In more than one great
political controversy of modern times, as in the free-trade agitation
for example, it has happened that the town population were of one
opinion and the county population of another. But at the time which we
are now describing the great cities and towns were all nearly
unrepresented, and in their demand for representation they were of one
mind and one spirit with the county populations, which called out for a
real and not a sham representation. There will probably always be a
question of curious speculation and deep interest to the students of
history as to the possibility of a great revolution in England if the
King had made up his mind to hold out against the advice of the Whig
statesmen and to try the last chance. It is certain that the leading
Whig nobles were considering, with profound earnestness, what course it
might be necessary for them to take if the King were absolutely to
refuse all concession and to stand by what he believed to be his
sovereign right to set up his own authority as supreme. If the choice
should be forced on them, would these Whig nobles stand by the
obstinate King or throw in their lot with the people? This grave
question must have been considered again and again in all its bearings
by the Whig leaders during that time of terrible national crisis.

[Sidenote: 1832--The Whig nobles and the military]

It would seem to be beyond all question that some, at least, of the
Whig nobles were contemplating the possibility of their having to
choose between the King and the people, and that their minds were made
up, should the worst come {179} to the worst, to side with the