inate to the House of Commons, incapable of touching finance and
therefore of overthrowing a ministry, but able to secure the submission
of a measure either to the direct vote of the people or to the verdict
of a second election--the government of the day having the choice
between the alternatives. Such a chamber might be instituted by direct
popular election. But the multiplication of elections is not good for
the working of democracy, and it would be difficult to reconcile a
directly elected house to a subordinate position. It might, therefore,
as an alternative, be elected on a proportional system by the House of
Commons itself, its members retaining their seat for two Parliaments. To
bridge over the change half of the chamber for the present Parliament
might be elected by the existing House of Lords, and their
representatives retiring at the end of this Parliament would leave the
next House of Commons and every future House of Commons with one-half of
the chamber to elect. This Second Chamber would then reflect in equal
proportions the existing and the last House of Commons, and the balance
between parties should be fairly held.[14] This chamber would have
ample power of securing reasonable amendments and would also have good
ground for exercising moderation in pressing its views. If the public
were behind the measure it would know that in the end the House of
Commons could carry it in its teeth, whether by referendum or by a
renewed vote of confidence at a general election. The Commons, on their
side, would have reasons for exhibiting a conciliatory temper. They
would not wish to be forced either to postpone or to appeal. As to which
method they would choose they would have absolute discretion, and if
they went to the country with a series of popular measures hung up and
awaiting their return for ratification, they would justly feel
themselves in a strong position.
So far as to forms. The actual future of democracy, however, rests upon
deeper issues. It is bound up with the general advance of civilization.
The organic character of society is, we have seen, in one sense, an
ideal. In another sense it is an actuality. That is to say, nothing of
any import affects the social life on one side without setting up
reactions all through the tissue. Hence, for example, we cannot
maintain great political progress without some corresponding advance on
other sides. People are not fully free in their political capacity when
th
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