and disastrous
results can easily follow a bad, hasty, or what is worse, selfish lead.

The first part of the proposed creed expresses the present desire of
the nation, and the second shows the way that desire can be fulfilled.
In my humble opinion the Congress creed with the proposed alteration is
but an extension of the original. And so long as no break with the
British connection is attempted, it is strictly within even the existing
article that defines the Congress creed. The extension lies in the
contemplated possibility of a break with the British connection. In my
humble opinion, if India is to make unhampered progress, we must make it
clear to the British people that whilst we desire to retain the British
connection, if we can rise to our full height with it we are determined
to dispense with, and even to get rid of that connection, if that is
necessary for full national development. I hold that it is not only
derogatory to national dignity but it actually impedes national progress
superstitiously to believe that our progress towards our goal is
impossible without British connection. It is this superstition which
makes some of the best of us tolerate the Punjab wrong and the Khilafat
insult. This blind adherence to that connection makes us feel helpless.
The proposed alteration in the creed enables us to rid ourselves of our
helpless condition. I personally hold that it is perfectly
constitutional openly to strive after independence, but lest there may
be dispute as to the constitutional character of any movement for
complete independence, the doubtful and highly technical adjective
"constitutional" has been removed from the altered creed in the draft.
Surely it should be enough to ensure that the methods for achieving our
end are legitimate, honourable, and peaceful, I believe that this was
the reasoning that guided my colleagues in accepting the proposed creed.
In any case, such was certainly my view of the whole alteration. There
is no desire on my part to adopt any means that are subversive of law
and order. I know, however, that I am treading on delicate ground when I
write about law and order for, to some of our distinguished leaders even
my present methods appear to be lawless and conducive to disorder. But
even they will perhaps grant that the retention of the word
'constitutional' cannot protect the country against methods such as I am
employing. It gives rise, no doubt, to a luminous legal discussion,