the intercourse with a _Republic_ on their frontiers, and
besides, have revived the old notions of the family connexion, and
their duty to protect a Bourbon monarch. This is fed by their
communications with Spain, where for the last ten months they have
been active in exciting, both by money and other means, the
Royalist or insurgent party, and these designs are equally
instigated by the Ultra-Royalist and Ultra-Liberal party in both
countries. The former, with the view of re-establishing the
authority of the beloved Ferdinand; the latter, of raising by any
means a war, which they calculate must end in the overthrow of both
thrones.

We have no wish ourselves to take Cuba, but are inclined to give
her the fair option of either continuing Spanish, becoming
independent, or uniting with Mexico, positively resisting, however,
even if necessary with arms, her occupation by any third power,
_i.e._, North America.

I continue most completely separated from the rest of the Cabinet.
Whether they live at all together I know not, but believe they do.
However, we have all been in town now for more than a week, and I
never have seen anything of any of them except in Cabinet. No one
dinner have I been asked to since the conclusion of the Session,
excepting one in the beginning of September at Robinson's. Now we
all know that business can never be really settled in the meetings
of so numerous a Cabinet, but that it must be _in fact_ arranged at
more private meetings and dinners.

Canning is certainly not cordial, though there is nothing I have a
right to complain of. Still I see that he is disposed to discuss
the business of his own office, &c., with Lord Bathurst, Peel, or
Robinson, but not with me. Peel is reserved in his natural manner,
but I rather get on with him. What is Canning's object I cannot at
all discover. His obvious policy would be to unite us to himself,
but I am clear that is not in his view. His language to me on the
Catholic question was in such a tone as to lead me to doubt
extremely whether he can be relied upon. He dwelt to much on the
disposition of the Duke of York, if he succeeded to the throne, to
stake his Crown entirely upon opposition to it, and talked so much
on the advantages of a compromise, which should secure everything
except Privy Council and Parliame