political, that is to
say, its legal aspect. This question, which the Committee on
Arrangements has called "The Question of Terminology," is: What are
the correct terms to use in describing the political and legal
relationship between the American Union and its distant annexed
regions, assuming that this relationship is to be permanent and is to
be on terms which are just to all parties?
More specifically, the question which I shall discuss will be, whether
we, as Americans, ought, according to American principles, to use, in
our political and legal language, the terms "colony," "dependence,"
and "empire," or whether we ought, according to those principles, to
substitute for the term "colony," the term "free state," for
"dependence," "just connection," and for "empire," "union."
It is needless to say that I shall accept the decisions of the Supreme
Court of the United States as final in regard to all the matters
adjudicated in them. But the Supreme Court has jurisdiction only for
the purpose of determining the rights of individuals. The political
relations between the Union and the Insular regions, it determines
only so far as may be necessary to ascertain individual rights. Its
present doctrine--that the American Union has power over the Insular
regions subject to "fundamental principles formulated in the
Constitution," or subject to "the applicable provisions of the
Constitution," protects the civil rights of individuals, but under it
the power of the Union for political purposes remains absolute. The
proposition which I shall offer for your judgment, will, I believe,
not only not be in conflict with the propositions laid down by the
Supreme Court, but will give a reason why they are right. It will,
too, I believe, give a reasonable basis for our holding that the power
of the American Union over the Insular regions, while ample for the
maintenance of a just and proper permanent relationship with them
under our control, is not absolute even as respects their political
rights.
I have said that I shall discuss this question upon American
principles. I shall not base myself on the Constitution of the United
States, though I shall try to show the relation of that document to
the question, as I understand it. I shall assume it to be settled by
the decisions of the Supreme Court,--as it seems clearly to be,--that
with the exception of the "Territory" clause of that instrument, it
is, and of right ought to be, the Con
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