property
as bases of political rights or franchises. This tendency has often
been justified on the ground that the elective franchise is a natural
right; which is not true, because the elective franchise is political
power, and political power is always a civil trust, never a natural
right, and the state judges for itself to whom it will or will not
confide the trust; but there can be no doubt that it is a normal
tendency, and in strict accordance with the constitution of American
civil society, which rests on the unity of the race, and public instead
of private property. All political distinctions founded on birth,
race, or private wealth are anomalies in the American system, and are
necessarily eliminated by its normal developments. To contend that
none but property-holders may vote, or none but persons of a particular
race may be enfranchised, is unamerican and contrary, to the order of
civilization the New World is developing. The only qualification for
the elective franchise the American system can logically insist on is
that the elector belong to the territorial people--that is, be a
natural-born or a naturalized citizen, be a major in full possession of
his natural faculties, and unconvicted of any infamous offence. The
State is free to naturalize foreigners or not, and under such
restrictions as it judges proper; but, having naturalized them, it must
treat them as standing on the same footing with natural-born citizens.

The naturalization question is one of great national importance. The
migration of foreigners hither has added largely to the national
population, and to the national wealth and resources, but less,
perhaps, to the development of patriotism, the purity of elections, or
the wisdom and integrity of the government. It is impossible that
there should be perfect harmony between the national territorial
democracy and individuals born, brought up, and formed under a
political order in many respects widely different from it; and there is
no doubt that the democracy, in its objectionable sense, has been
greatly strengthened by the large infusion of naturalized citizens.
There can be no question that, if the laboring classes, in whom the
national sentiment is usually the strongest, had been composed almost
wholly of native Americans, instead of being, as they were, at least in
the cities, large towns, and villages, composed almost exclusively of
persons foreign born, the Government would have found