enancy-holding to
the holding by yard-lands; the rights of election in the yard-lands
enable us to proceed back to the original holding of the sixteen
hides.
At Hitchin, which is Mr. Seebohm's famous example, we meet with the
manorial type. But its features are in no way peculiar. There is
nothing which has not its counterpart, in more or less well-defined
degree, in the other types which are not manorial. In short, the
manorial framework within which it is enclosed does little more than
fix the details into an immovable setting, accentuating some at the
expense of others, legalising everything so as to bring it all under
the iron sovereignty which was inaugurated by the Angevin kings.
My suggestion is that these examples are but varying types of one
original. The Teutonic people, and their Celtic predecessors, came to
Britain with a tribal, not an agricultural, constitution. In the
outlying parts of the land this tribal constitution settled down, and
was only slightly affected by the economical conditions of the people
they found there; in the more thickly populated parts this tribal
constitution was superimposed upon an already existing village
constitution in full vigour. We, therefore, find the tribal
constitution everywhere--in almost perfect condition in the north, in
Wales, and in Ireland; in less perfect condition in England. We also
find the village constitution everywhere--in almost embryo form in the
north, Wales, and in Ireland; in full vigour and force in England,
especially in that area which, as already noted, has been identified
as the constant occupation-ground of all the races who have settled in
Britain.
Now the factor which is most apparent in all these cases is the
singular dual constitution which I have called tribal and village. It
is only when we get to such cases as Rothwell and Hitchin that almost
all traces of the tribal element are lost, the village element only
remaining. But inasmuch as this village element is identical in
_kind_, if not in degree, with the village element in the other types,
and inasmuch as topographically they are closely connected, we are, I
contend, justified in concluding that it is derived from the same
original--an original which was composed of a tribal community with a
village community in serfdom under it.
This dual element should, I think, be translated into terms of
ethnology by appealing to the parallel evidence of India. There the
types of the villag
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