Rymer, tom. xviii. p. 224. It is certain
that the young prince of Wales, afterwards Charles II., had Protestant
governors from his early infancy; first the earl of Newcastle, then the
marquis of Hertford. The king, in his memorial to foreign churches after
the commencement of the civil wars, insists on his care in educating
his children in the Protestant religion, as a proof that he was nowise
inclined to the Catholic, Rush. vol. v. p. 752. It can scarcely,
therefore, be questioned, but this article, which has so odd an
appearance, was inserted only to amuse the pope, and was never intended
by either party to be executed.]

[Footnote 61: NOTE III, p. 499. "Monarchies," according to Sir Walter
Raleigh, "are of two sorts touching their power or authority, viz. 1.
Entire, where the whole power of ordering all state matters, both in
peace and war, doth by law and custom appertain to the prince, as in the
English kingdom; where the prince hath the power to make laws, league,
and war, to create magistrates, to pardon life, of appeal, etc. Though
to give a contentment to the other degrees, they have a suffrage in
making laws, yet ever subject to the prince's pleasure and negative
will. 2. Limited or restrained, that hath no full power in all the
points and matters of state, as the military king that hath not the
sovereignty in time of peace, as the making of laws, etc., but in war
only, as the Polonian king." Maxims of State.

And a little after: "In every just state, some part of the government
is, or ought to be, imparted to the people, as in a kingdom, a voice and
suffrage in making laws; and sometimes also of levying of arms, (if the
charge be great, and the prince forced to borrow help of his subjects,)
the matter rightly may be propounded to a parliament, that the tax
may seem to have proceeded from themselves. So consultations and some
proceedings in judicial matters may in part be referred to them. The
reason, lest, seeing themselves to be in no number nor of reckoning,
they mislike the state or government." This way of reasoning differs
little from that of King James, who considered the privileges of the
parliament as matters of grace and indulgence, more than of inheritance.
It is remarkable that Raleigh was thought to lean towards the
Puritanical party, notwithstanding these positions. But ideas of
government change much in different times.

Raleigh's sentiments on this head are still more openly expressed in hi