surances will remain trustworthy for any great length
of time after Germany shall have developed a fleet larger than that of
the United States." He accordingly cautioned the United States "to bear
in mind probabilities and possibilities as to the future conduct of
Germany, and therefore increase gradually our naval strength." Bismarck
pronounced the Monroe Doctrine "an international impertinence," and this
has been the German view all along.

Dr. Zorn, one of the most conservative of German authorities on
international affairs, concluded an article in Die Woche of September
13, 1913, with these words: "Considered in all its phases, the Monroe
Doctrine is in the end seen to be a question of might only and not of
right."

The German government's efforts to check American influence in the Latin
American states had of late years been frequent and direct. They
comprised the encouragement of German emigration to certain regions, the
sending of agents to maintain close contact, presentation of German
flags in behalf of the Kaiser, the placing of the German Evangelical
churches in certain South American countries under the Prussian State
Church, annual grants for educational purposes from the imperial
treasury at Berlin, and the like.

The "Lodge resolution," adopted by the senate in 1912, had in view the
activities of certain German corporations in Latin America, as well as
the episode that immediately occasioned it; nor can there be much doubt
that it was the secret interference by Germany at Copenhagen that
thwarted the sale of the Danish West Indies to the United States in
1903.

In view of a report that a Japanese corporation, closely connected with
the Japanese government, was negotiating with the Mexican government for
a territorial concession off Magdalena Bay, in lower California, the
senate in 1912 adopted the following resolution, which was offered by
Senator Lodge of Massachusetts:

"That when any harbor or other place in the American continent is
so situated that the occupation thereof for naval or military
purposes might threaten the communications or the safety of the
United States, the government of the United States could not see
without grave concern, the possession of such harbor or other place
by any corporation or association which has such a relation to
another government, not American, as to give that government
practical power of control for naval or military