reat steamer, primarily and chiefly a conveyance
for passengers, and carrying more than a thousand souls who had no
part or lot in the conduct of the war, was sunk without so much as
a challenge or a warning, and that men, women and children were
sent to their death in circumstances unparalleled in modern
warfare."

Three notes were written to Germany regarding the Lusitania sinking. The
first dated May 13 advanced the idea that it was impossible to conduct
submarine warfare conformably with international law. In the second
dated June 9 occurs the statement that "the government of the United
States is contending for something much greater than mere rights of
property or privileges of commerce. It is contending for nothing less
high and sacred than the rights of humanity." In the third note dated
July 21, it is asserted that "the events of the past two months have
clearly indicated that it is possible and practicable to conduct
submarine operations within the so-called war zone in substantial accord
with the accepted practices of regulated warfare." The temper of the
American people and the president's notes had succeeded in securing a
modification of the submarine campaign.

It required cool statesmanship to prevent a rushing into war over the
Lusitania incident and events which had preceeded it. There was a well
developed movement in favor of it, but the people were not unanimous on
the point. It would have lacked that cooperation necessary for
effectiveness; besides our country was but poorly prepared for engaging
in hostilities. It was our state of unpreparedness continuing for a long
time afterwards, which contributed, no doubt, to German arrogance. They
thought we would not fight.

But the United States had become thoroughly awakened and the authorities
must have felt that if the conflict was to be unduly prolonged, we must
eventually be drawn into it. This is reflected in the modified
construction which the president and others began to place on the
Monroe Doctrine. The great underlying idea of the doctrine remained
vital, but in a message to congress delivered December 7, 1915, the
president said:

"In the day in whose light we now stand there is no claim of
guardianship, but a full and honorable association as of partners
between ourselves and our neighbors in the interests of America."
Speaking before the League to Enforce Peace at Washington, May 27, 1916,
he said: "What affects m