thors of the
Constitution regarded slavery as impossible to be sustained upon the
ground of the natural rights of mankind, and deserving of no
encouragement in the Territories, or States hereafter to come into the
Union. It was thought that the best interests of the slave States would
lead them to abolish slavery, and that before many years, the Republic
would cease to bear the disgrace of chattel bondage. It is certainly
proper that the acts and language of the authors of the Constitution,
and those who chiefly were instrumental in achieving our independence,
should be made to interpret that instrument which was the creation of
their own toils and love of country. Because the circumstances of the
present day have brought about a mighty change in the feelings and
opinions of the slave States, it does not follow that the Constitution
in its original intention and spirit should be accommodated to this new
aspect of things. It is easy to get up a theory of the natural right of
slavery, and then say that the Constitution meant that the slave States
should carry slave property just where the free States carry their
property; but when this ground is taken, the Constitution is made, to
all intents, a pro-slavery instrument. It ceases to be the charter of a
nation's freedom, and resolves itself into the most effective agent of
the propagandism of slavery. The transition is easy from such a theory
to the fulfillment of the boast of Senator Toombs, 'that the roll of
slaves might yet be called at the foot of Bunker Hill Monument.' But no
straining of the language of the Constitution can make it mean the
recognition of the natural right of slavery, The guarded manner in which
the provision was made for the rendition of slaves, and all the
circumstances connected with the adoption of the Constitution, show
conclusively that slavery was considered only a local and municipal
institution, a serious evil, to be suppressed and curtailed by the slave
States, and never by the General Government a blessing to be fostered
and extended where it did not exist at the time the Union of the
thirteen States was perfected.

Alexander H. Stephens, Vice-President of the Confederate States, in a
speech at Atlanta, Georgia, said:

'Jefferson, Madison, Washington, and many others, were tender of
the word slave, in the organic law, and all looked forward to the
time when the institution of slavery should be removed from our
midst as