which he had mastered during his
imprisonment by means of a Bible and a dictionary.

It was to Russia that Austria was indebted for a result so satisfactory.
The Emperor Nicholas returned to St. Petersburg, feeling that he had
earned the everlasting gratitude of the young ruler Francis Joseph,
little suspecting that he was before long to say of him that "his
ingratitude astonished Europe."

There can be no doubt that the Emperor Nicholas, while he was, in common
with the other powers, professing to desire the preservation of Ottoman
integrity, had secretly resolved not to leave the Eastern Question to
posterity, but to crown his own reign by its solution in a way favorable
to Russia. His position was a very strong one. By the Treaty of 1841
his headship as protector of Eastern Christendom had been acknowledged.
Austria was now bound to him irrevocably by the tie of gratitude, and
Prussia by close family ties and by sympathy. It was only necessary to
win over England. In 1853, in a series of private, informal interviews
with the English ambassador, he disclosed his plan that there should be a
confidential understanding between him and Her Majesty's government. He
said in substance: "England and Russia must be friends. Never was the
necessity greater. If we agree, I have no solicitude about Europe. What
others think is really of small consequence. I am as desirous as you for
the continued existence of the Turkish Empire. But we have on our hands
a sick man--a very sick man: he may suddenly die. Is it not the part of
prudence for us to come to an understanding regarding what should be done
in case of such a catastrophe? It may as well be understood at once that
I should never permit an attempt to reconstruct a Byzantine Empire, and
still less should I allow the partition of Turkey into small
republics--ready-made asylums for Kossuths and Mazzinis and European
revolutionists; and I also tell you very frankly that I should never
permit England or any of the Powers to have a foothold in Constantinople.
I am willing to bind myself also not to occupy it--except, perhaps, as a
guardian. But I should have no objection to your occupying Egypt. I
quite understand its importance to your government--and perhaps the
island of Candia might suit you. I see no objection to that island
becoming also an English possession. I do not ask for a treaty--only an
understanding; between gentlemen that is sufficient. I have no des