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such an organ it will be very strongly coloured with the opinion, or even fanaticism, of some minority. The Free Press, as a whole, if you add it all up and cancel out one exaggerated statement against another, does give you a true view of the state of society in which you live. The Official Press to-day gives you an absurdly false one everywhere. What a caricature--and what a base, empty caricature--of England or France or Italy you get in the "Times," or the "Manchester Guardian," the "Matin," or the "Tribune"! No one of them is in any sense general--or really national. The Free Press gives you the truth; but only in disjointed sections, for it is _disparate_ and it is _particularist_: it is marked with isolation--and it is so marked because its origin lay in various and most diverse _propaganda_: because it came later than the official Press of Capitalism, and was, in its origins, but a reaction against it. B The second motive, that of indignation against _falsehood_, came to work much later than the motive of propaganda. Men gradually came to notice that one thing after another of great public interest, sometimes of vital public interest, was deliberately suppressed in the principal great official papers, and that positive falsehoods were increasingly suggested, or stated. There was more than this. For long the _owner_ of a newspaper had for the most part been content to regard it as a revenue-producing thing. The _editor_ was supreme in matters of culture and opinion. True, the editor, being revocable and poor, could not pretend to full political power. But it was a sort of dual arrangement which yet modified the power of the vulgar owner. I myself remember that state of affairs: the editor who was a gentleman and dined out, the proprietor who was a lord and nervous when he met a gentleman. It changed in the nineties of the last century or the late eighties. It had disappeared by the 1900's. The editor became (and now is) a mere mouthpiece of the proprietor. Editors succeed each other rapidly. Of great papers to-day the editor's name of the moment is hardly known--but not a Cabinet Minister that could not pass an examination in the life, vices, vulnerability, fortune, investments and favours of the owner. The change was rapidly admitted. It came quickly but thoroughly. At last--like most rapid developments--it exceeded itself. Men owning the chief newspapers could be heard boasting of their po
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