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inst him--a rare charge in a country so tolerant and catholic as the United States, where every office except that of President is open to newcomers as freely as to the native born. He was called "un-American," and I have heard men who admired and read the _Nation_ nevertheless complain that they did not want "to be taught by a European how to run this Republic." True it is that he did not see things or write about them quite as an American would have done. But was this altogether a misfortune? The Italian cities of the Middle Ages used to call in a man of character and mark from some other place and make him Podesta just because he stood outside the family ties and the factions of the city. Godkin's foreign education gave him detachment and perspective. It never reduced his ardour to see administration and public life in America made worthy of the greatness of the American people. No journal could have maintained its circulation and extended its influence in the face of so much hostility except by commanding merits. The merits of the _Nation_ were incontestable. It was the best weekly not only in America but in the world. The editorials were models of style. The book reviews, many of them in earlier days also written by Godkin himself, were finished in point of form, and, when not his own, came from the ablest specialist hands in the country. The "current notes" of progress in such subjects as geography, natural history, and archaeology were instructive and accurate. So it was that people had to read the _Nation_ whether they liked it or not. It could not be ignored. It was a necessity even where it was a terror. Yet neither the force of his reasoning nor the brilliance of his style would have secured Godkin's influence but for two other elements of strength he possessed. One was the universal belief in his disinterestedness and sincerity. He was often charged with prejudice or bitterness, but never with any sinister motive; enemies no less than friends respected him. The other was his humour. An austere moralist who is brimful of fun is rare in any country. Relishing humour more than does any other people, the Americans could not be seriously angry with a man who gave them so abundant a feast. To trace the course he took in the politics of the United States since 1860 would almost be to outline the history of forty years, for there was no great issue in the discussion of which he did not bear a part. He was a
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