stly domination in political matters. Now I would
cool the ardour of these potentates for Mr. G. by at once offering them
the largest concessions on education--primary, intermediate, and
university--which justice and generosity could admit of. I would not
give them everything before the general election, but I would give a
good lot, and keep a good lot for the new Parliament. I do not think
they could resist the bribe, and the soothing effect of such a policy on
the Irish vote and attitude would be marked. Of course the concessions
would have to be very large--almost as large as what the bishops have
ever asked for, but preserving intact Trinity College. It would assume
the material shape of a money subsidy."[18]
I have set down without omissions and with nothing extenuate the data on
which is based the indictment that the clergy have been, and are,
anti-national, and I ask the reader to say whether the charge is
unsupported or not. That overtures have again and again been made _sub
rosa_ to the clergy to wean them from the popular side is proved up to
the hilt, but that in any single instance they have closed with the
offers or been forced by the rigours of ecclesiastical discipline into
compliance, appears to me not proven, as is also the imputation that the
people have in any degree departed from the lines of O'Connell's
dictum--that we take our theology from Rome, but our politics we prefer
of home manufacture. If the action of Cardinal Cullen with regard to the
Tenant League in 1855 be adduced as an argument in favour of the
proposition, it must be remembered that though as Primate his voice was
preponderant and his policy was affected, in Dr. MacHale, the Archbishop
of Tuam, an exponent of opposite views was to be found, and that it is
on the lines laid down by MacHale, and not those advocated by Cullen,
that the policy of the Catholic Church in Ireland has as a rule been
based.
The clergy in the early part of the nineteenth century were brought up
in foreign seminaries, where passive obedience to the established order
was inculcated, and where, as was natural in such places, a horror of
the Jacobinical principles of the French revolution created among them
an antagonism to any violent agitation, which admittedly or not drew its
inspiration from that source, but the names of Dr. Doyle of Kildare, of
Dr. Duggan of Clonfert, of Dr. Croke of Cashel, of Dr. M'Cormick, to
name only four, show how much support was gi
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