tion, which were distributed within
twenty-four hours to the Covenanters throughout the Province. It is
clear that at this time extensive negotiations were going on between
Germany and the Ulster extremists. The Ulster Provisional Government
were leaving nothing to chance. History is entitled to know the full
story of all that happened at this most fateful period--what
"discussions" took place between the Ulster leaders and the Kaiser,
how far Sir Edward Carson was implicated in these matters and how real
and positive is his responsibility for the world war that ensued. And
it should be borne in mind that these seditious traffickings with a
foreign state were going on at a time when there was no Sinn Fein army
in existence, and that the man who first showed a readiness not alone
to invoke German aid but actually to avail himself of it, was not any
Southern Nationalist rebel leader but Sir Edward Carson, the leader
and, as he was called, "the Uncrowned King" of Ulster. When critics
condemn the Nationalists of the South for their alleged communications
with Germany, let them not, in all fairness, forget Sir Edward Carson
was the man who first showed the way. To whom then--if guilt there
be--does the greater guilt belong? When the news of this audacious
gun-running expedition was published, Ireland waited breathless to
know what was going to happen. Warships were posted on the Ulster
coast, ostensibly to stop further gun-running, and the Prime Minister
announced in the House of Commons that "in view of this grave and
unprecedented outrage the Government would take appropriate steps
without delay to vindicate the authority of the law."

But in view of what _The Westminster Gazette_ termed "the abject
surrender to the Army" of the Government over the Curragh incident,
when officers were declared to have refused to serve against Ulster,
not much in the way of stern measures was to be expected now. The
Government on the occasion of the Curragh incident had declared: "His
Majesty's Government must retain their right to use all the forces of
the Crown in Ireland or elsewhere to maintain law and order and to
support the civil power in the ordinary execution of its duty. But
they have no intention whatever of taking advantage of this right to
crush political opposition to the policy or principles of the Home
Rule Bill."

As Mr Balfour was not slow in pointing out, this statement made "it
impossible to coerce Ulster." The officer