n the most particular narratives
delivered of parliamentary transactions, as in the trial of Thomas a
Becket, where the events of each day, and almost of each hour, are
carefully recorded by contemporary authors [a], there is not,
throughout the whole, the least appearance of a House of Commons. But
though that House derived its existence from so precarious and even
so invidious an origin as Leicester's usurpation, it soon proved, when
summoned by the legal princes, one of the most useful, and, in process
of time, one of the most powerful members of the national
constitution; and gradually rescued the kingdom from aristocratical as
well as from regal tyranny. But Leicester's policy, if we must
ascribe to him so great a blessing, only forwarded by some years an
institution, for which the general state of things had already
prepared the nation; and it is otherwise inconceivable, that a plant
set by so inauspicious a hand could have attained to so vigorous a
growth, and have flourished in the midst of such tempests and
convulsions. The feudal system, with which the liberty, much more the
power of the Commons, was totally incompatible, began gradually to
decline; and both the king and the commonalty, who felt its
inconveniences, contributed to favour this new power, which was more
submissive than the barons to the regular authority of the crown, and
at the same time afforded protection to the inferior orders of the
state.
[FN [z] Rymer, vol. i. p. 802. [a] Fitz-Stephen, Hist. Quadrip.
Hoveden, &c.]
Leicester having thus assembled a Parliament of his own model, and
trusting to the attachment of the populace of London, seized the
opportunity of crushing his rivals among the powerful barons. Robert
de Ferrars, Earl of Derby, was accused in the king's name, seized, and
committed to custody without being brought to any legal trial [b].
John Gifford, menaced with the same fate, fled from London, and took
shelter in the borders of Wales. Even the Earl of Gloucester, whose
power and influence had so much contributed to the success of the
barons, but who of late was extremely disgusted with Leicester's
arbitrary conduct, found himself in danger from the prevailing
authority of his ancient confederate; and he retired from Parliament
[c]. This known dissension gave courage to all Leicester's enemies
and to the king's friends, who were now sure of protection from so
potent a leader. Though Roger Mortimer, Hamond L'Estrange,
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