spectators, and could only gratify their curiosity.]

It was probably the example of the French barons which first
emboldened the English to require greater independence from their
sovereign: it is also probable, that the boroughs and corporations of
England were established in imitation of those of France. It may,
therefore, be proposed as no unlikely conjecture, that both the chief
privileges of the Peers in England and the liberty of the Commons were
originally the growth of that foreign country.

In ancient times, men were little solicitous to obtain a place in the
legislative assemblies; and rather regarded their attendance as a
burden, which was not compensated by any return of profit or honour
proportionate to the trouble and expense. The only reason for
instituting those public councils was, on the part of the subject,
that they desired some security from the attempts of arbitrary power;
and on the part of the sovereign, that he despaired of governing men
of such independent spirits without their own consent and concurrence.
But the Commons, or the inhabitants of boroughs, had not as yet
reached such a degree of consideration as to desire SECURITY against
their prince, or to imagine that, even if they were assembled in a
representative body, they had power or rank sufficient to enforce it.
The only protection which they aspired to, was against the immediate
violence and injustice of their fellow-citizens; and this advantage
each of them looked for, from the courts of justice, or from the
authority of some great lord, to whom, by law or his own choice, he
was attached. On the other hand, the sovereign was sufficiently
assured of obedience in the whole community, if he procured the
concurrence of the nobles; nor had he reason to apprehend, that any
order of the state could resist his and their united authority. The
military sub-vassals could entertain no idea of opposing both their
prince and their superiors: the burgesses and tradesmen could much
less aspire to such a thought: and thus, even if history were silent
on the head, we have reason to conclude, from the known situation of
society during those ages, that the Commons were never admitted as
members of the legislative body.

The EXECUTIVE power of the Anglo-Norman government was lodged in the
king. Besides the stated meetings of the national council at the
three great festivals of Christmas, Easter, and Whitsuntide [d], he
was accustomed, on any sud