y crushed, exactly as Marx had foreseen. A quarrel then
arose between Marx and Bakounin over Herwegh's project. Far from
changing Marx's mind, however, it made him suspect Bakounin as perhaps
in the pay of the reactionaries. In any case, he made no effort to
prevent the _Neue Rheinische Zeitung_ from printing shortly after the
following: "Yesterday it was asserted that George Sand was in possession
of papers which seriously compromised the Russian who has been banished
from here, _Michael Bakounin_, and represented him as an instrument or
an _agent of Russia_, newly enrolled, to whom is attributed the leading
part in the recent arrest of the unfortunate Poles. George Sand has
shown these papers to some of her friends."[5] Marx later printed
Bakounin's answer to these charges--which were, in fact, groundless--and
in his letters to the New York _Tribune_ (1852) even commended Bakounin
for his services in the Dresden uprising of 1849.[6] Nevertheless, there
is no doubt that to the end Marx believed Bakounin to be a tool of the
enemy. These quarrels are important only as they are prophetic in thus
early disclosing the gulf between Marx and Bakounin in their conception
of revolutionary activity. Although profoundly revolutionary, Marx was
also rigidly rational. He had no patience, and not an iota of mercy, for
those who lost their heads and attempted to lead the workers into
violent outbreaks that could result only in a massacre. On this point he
would make no concessions, and anyone who attempted such suicidal
madness was in Marx's mind either an imbecile or a paid _agent
provocateur_. The failure of Herwegh's project forced Bakounin to admit
later that Marx had been right. Yet, as we know, with Bakounin's
advancing years the passion for insurrections became with him almost a
mania.

If this quarrel between Bakounin and Marx casts a light upon the causes
of their antagonism, a still greater illumination is shed by the
differences between them which arose in 1849. Bakounin, in that year,
had written a brochure in which he developed a program for the union of
the revolutionary Slavs and for the destruction of the three monarchies,
Russia, Austria, and Prussia. He advocated pan-Slavism, and believed
that the Slavic people could once more be united and then federated into
a great new nation. When Marx saw the volume, he wrote in the _Neue
Rheinische Zeitung_ (February 14, 1849), "Aside from the Poles, the
Russians, and perhaps