the beginning of the modern
socialist movement, this has been perfectly clear to the socialist,
whose philosophy has taught him that appeals to violence tend, as Engels
has pointed out, to obscure the understanding of the real development of
things.

The dissensions over the use of force, that have been so continuous and
passionate in the labor movement, arise from two diametrically opposed
points of view. One is at bottom anarchistic, and looks upon all social
evils as the result of individual wrong-doing. The other is at bottom
socialistic, and looks upon all social evils as in the main the result
of economic and social laws. To those who believe there are good trusts
and bad trusts, good capitalists and bad capitalists, and that this is
an adequate analysis of our economic ills, there is, of course, after
all, nothing left but hatred of individuals and, in the extreme case,
the desire to remove those individuals. To those, on the other hand, who
see in certain underlying economic forces the source of nearly all of
our distressing social evils, individual hatred and malice can make in
reality no appeal. This volume, on its historical side, as well as in
its survey of the psychology of the various elements in the labor
movement, is a contribution to the study of the reactions that affect
various minds and temperaments in the face of modern social wrongs. If
one's point of view is that of the anarchist, he is led inevitably to
make his war upon individuals. The more sensitive and sincere he is, the
more bitter and implacable becomes that war. If one's point of view is
based on what is now called the economic interpretation of history, one
is emancipated, in so far as that is possible for emotional beings, from
all hatred of individuals, and one sees before him only the necessity of
readjusting the economic basis of our common life in order to achieve a
more nearly perfect social order.

In contrasting the temperaments, the points of view, the philosophy, and
the methods of these two antagonistic minds, I have been forced to take
two extremes, the Bakouninist anarchist and the Marxian socialist. In
the case of the former, it has been necessary to present the views of a
particular school of anarchism, more or less regardless of certain
other schools. Proudhon, Stirner, Warren, and Tucker do not advocate
violent measures, and Tolstoi, Ibsen, Spencer, Thoreau, and
Emerson--although having the anarchist point of view--can