the
Sudan.
Pan-Arabism has not been as intellectually developed as Pan-Turanism,
though its general trend is so similar that its doctrines need not be
discussed in detail. One important difference between the two movements
is that Pan-Arabism is much more religious and Pan-Islamic in character,
the Arabs regarding themselves as "The Chosen People" divinely
predestined to dominate the whole Islamic world. Pan-Arabism also lacks
Pan-Turanism's unity of direction. There have been two distinct
intellectual centres--Syria and Egypt. In fact, it is in Egypt that
Pan-Arab schemes have been most concretely elaborated, the Egyptian
programme looking toward a reunion of the Arab-speaking lands under the
Khedive--perhaps at first subject to British tutelage, though ultimately
throwing off British control by concerted Pan-Arab action. The late
Khedive Abbas Hilmi, deposed by the British in 1914, is supposed to have
encouraged this movement.[166]
The Great War undoubtedly stimulated Pan-Arabism, especially by its
creation of an independent Arab kingdom in the Hedjaz with claims on
Syria and Mesopotamia. However, the various Arab peoples are so
engrossed with local independence agitations looking toward the
elimination of British, French, and Italian control from specific
regions like Egypt, Syria, Mesopotamia, and Tripoli, that the larger
concept of Pan-Arabism, while undoubtedly an underlying factor, is not
to-day in the foreground of Arab nationalist programmes.
Furthermore, as I have already said, Pan-Arabism is interwoven with the
non-racial concepts of Pan-Islamism and "Pan-Islamic Nationalism." This
latter concept may seem a rather grotesque contradiction of terms. So it
may be to us Westerners. But it is not necessarily so to Eastern minds.
However eagerly the East may have seized upon our ideas of nationality
and patriotism, those ideas have entered minds already full of concepts
like Islamic solidarity and the brotherhood of all True Believers. The
result has been a subtle coloration of the new by the old, so that even
when Moslems use our exact words, "nationality," "race," etc., their
conception of what those words mean is distinctly different from ours.
These differences in fact extend to all political concepts. Take the
word "State," for example. The typical Mohammedan state is not, like
the typical Western state, a sharply defined unit, with fixed boundaries
and full sovereignty exercised everywhere within its f
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