tive had
largely increased. This put an undue and most dangerous
power into the hands of the party controlling the Government.
There was a strong feeling that this should be checked.

Besides; during the controversy with Andrew Johnson the members
of the two Houses of Congress had come to think that they
were entitled to control all appointments of civil officers
in their own States and Districts, and they were ready with
scarce an exception to stand by each other in this demand.
They had passed, over the veto of President Johnson, an act
of disputed and quite doubtful constitutionality, seriously
crippling the Executive power of removal from office, without
which the President's constitutional duty to see that the
laws are faithfully executed cannot be performed. So each
Senator and Representative was followed like a Highland Chieftain
"with his tail on," by a band of retainers devoted to his
political fortunes, dependent upon him for their own, but
supported at the public charge.

This not only threatened the freedom of election, but itself
brought a corrupting influence into the Administration of
the Government.

But there was a still greater danger than all these in the
corruption which then, as always, followed a great war. Unprincipled
and greedy men sought to get contracts and jobs from the Government
by the aid of influential politicians. This aid they paid
for sometimes, though I think rarely, in money, and in contributions
to political campaigns, and in the various kinds of assistance
necessary to maintain in power the men to whom they were so
indebted. This corruption not only affected all branches
of the Civil Service, especially the War and the Navy and
the Treasury, but poisoned legislation itself.

They had to deal with claims amounting to hundreds of millions
of dollars, some wholly fraudulent, some grossly exaggerated
and some entirely just. Some of these belonged to persons
who had contracts with the Government for constructing and
supplying a powerful Navy, or for supplies to the Army. There
were demands still larger in amount from the inhabitants of
the territory which had been the theatre of the War. This
class of claims was wholly new in the history of our own country.
There were few precedents for dealing with them in the experience
of other countries, and the Law of Nations and the law of
war furnished imperfect guides.

Men wounded or disabled in the Military or Naval Service,