ch writer and of the French ruler
we begin and end the reference of Ireland to European affairs which
continental statecraft has up to now emitted, and so far has failed to
apply.

To-day there is probably no European thinker (although Germany
produced one in recent times), who, when he faces the over-powering
supremacy of Great Britain's influence in world affairs and the
relative subordination of European rights to the asserted interests
of that small island, gives a thought to the other and smaller island
beyond its shores. And yet the key to British supremacy lies there.
Perhaps the one latter day European who perceived the true relation of
Ireland to Great Britain was Neibuhr.

"Should England," he said, "not change her conduct, Ireland may still
for a long period belong to her, but not always; and the loss of that
country is the death day, not only to her greatness, but of her very
existence."

I propose to point out as briefly as may be possible in dealing
with so unexpected a proposition, that the restoration of Ireland to
European life lies at the bottom of all successful European effort to
break the bonds that now shackle every continental people that would
assert itself and extend its ideals, as opposed to British interests,
outside the limits of Europe.

It may be well first to define "British interests" and to show that
these are not necessarily synonymous with European interests. British
interests are: first, the control of all the seas of all the world--in
full military and commercial control. If this be not challenged peace
is permitted: to dispute it seriously means war.

Next in order of British interests stands the right of pre-emption to
all healthy, fertile, "unoccupied" lands of the globe not already in
possession of a people capable of seriously disputing invasion, with
the right of reversion to such other regions as may, from time to
time prove commercially desirable or financially exploitable, whether
suitable for British colonization or not.

In a word, British interests assume that the future of the world shall
be an English-speaking future. It is clear that sooner or later the
British colonies, so called, must develop into separate nationalities,
and that the link of a common crown cannot bind them forever. But, as
Sir Wilfred Laurier said at the recent Imperial Conference: "We bring
you British institutions"--English language, English law, English
trade, English supremacy, in a word-