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of themselves, it may not be improper to examine, even in this place, whether by restoring the house of Austria to its ancient greatness, we shall promote our own happiness, or that of the empire, or of the rest of Europe. To ourselves, my lords, I do not see what assistance can be given in time of danger by this house, however powerful, or however friendly; for, I suppose, we shall never suffer it to grow powerful by sea as well as by land, and by sea only can we receive benefits or injuries. What advantages the rest of Europe may promise themselves from the restoration of the Austrian power, may be learned, my lords, from the history of the great emperour, Charles the fifth, who for many years kept the world in continual alarms, ranged from nation to nation with incessant and insatiable ambition, made war only for the extinction of the protestant religion, and employed his power and his abilities in harassing the neighbouring princes, and disturbing the tranquillity of mankind. Nor did his successours, my lords, though weakened by the division of his dominions, enjoy their power with greater moderation, or exert it to better purposes. It is well known, that they endeavoured the subversion of both the liberties and religion of the subordinate states of the empire, and that the great king of Sweden was called into Germany, as well for the preservation of the protestant religion, as of the rights of the electors. This, my lords, is so generally known and confessed, that Puffendorf, the best writer on the German constitution, has declared it disadvantageous to the empire to place at its head a prince too powerful by his hereditary dominions, since they will always furnish him with force to oppress the weaker princes; and it is not often found, that he who has the power to oppress, is restrained by principles of justice. It appears, therefore, to me, my lords, that the late election of an emperour was made with sufficient regard to the general good; and that, therefore, neither policy nor equity oblige us to act in a manner different from the other powers who are joined in the same engagements, of whom I do not learn, by any of the common channels of intelligence, that any of them intend the support of the Pragmatick sanction; for no newspaper or pamphlet has yet informed us, that any of the other powers are hiring auxiliaries, or regulating the march of their troops, or making any uncommon preparations, which ma
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