the execution of the law, and
prevented the effects that were expected from it, and by one amendment
they might be all removed.

But instead of endeavouring to improve the efficacy of the remedy
which was before proposed for this universal malady, we are now told,
that it was too forcible to take effect, and that it only failed by
the vigour of its operation. We are informed, that the work of
reformation ought not to be despatched with too much expedition, that
mankind cannot possibly be made virtuous at once, and that they must
be drawn off from their habits by just degrees, without the violence
of a sudden change.

What degrees the noble lord proposes to recommend, or what advantage
he expects from allowing the people a longer time to confirm their
habits, I am not able to discover. He appears to me rather to propose
an experiment than a law, and rather to intend the improvement of
policy, than the safety of the people.

This experiment is, indeed, of a very daring kind, in which not only
the money but the lives of the people are hazarded: their money has,
indeed, in all ages been subject to the caprices of statesmen, but
their lives ought to be exempt from such dangerous practices, because,
when once lost, they can never be recovered. By this bill, however, it
is contrived to lay poison in the way of the people, poison which we
know will be eagerly devoured by a fourth part of the nation, and will
prove fatal to a great number of those that taste it; nor of this
project is any defence made, but, that since the people love to
swallow poison, it may be of advantage to the government to sell it.

It might not be improper, my lords, to publish to the people, by a
formal proclamation, the benevolent intentions of their governours;
and inform them, that licensed murderers are to be appointed, at whose
shops they may infallibly be destroyed, without any danger of legal
censures, provided they take care to use the poison prescribed by the
government, and increase, by their death, the publick revenue.

That money only is desired from this bill, is not only obvious from
the first perusal of it, but confessed even by those who defend it;
but not one has continued to assert, that it will produce a
reformation of manners, or recommended it otherwise than as an
experiment.

For this reason, my lords, I still think my motion for postponing the
bill very reasonable, nor do I make any scruple to confess that I
propose, by pos