ine-tenths of the electors, abstain from voting and in this large mass
the Girondins have no adherents. As they themselves admit,[1156] this
class remains attached to the institutions of 1791, which they have
overthrown; if it has any esteem for them, it is as "extremely honest
madmen." Again, this esteem is mingled with aversion: it reproaches
them with the violent decrees they have passed in concert with the
"Mountain;" with persecutions, confiscations, every species of injustice
and cruelty; it always sees the King's blood on their hands; they,
too, are regicides, anti-Catholics, anti-Christians, demolishers and
levelers.[1157]--Undoubtedly they are less so than the "Mountain;"
hence, when the provincial insurrection breaks out, many Feuillants and
even Royalists follow them to the section assemblies and join in their
protests. But the majority goes no further, and soon falls back into
is accustomed inertia. It is not in harmony with its leaders:[1158]
its latent preferences are opposed to their avowed program; it does not
wholly trust them; it has only a half-way affection for them; its recent
sympathies are deadened by old animosities: everywhere, instead of
firmness there is only caprice. All this affords no assurance of
steadfast loyalty and practical adhesion. The Girondin deputies
scattered through the provinces relied upon each department arousing
itself at their summons and forming a republican Vendee against the
"Mountain:" nowhere do they find anything beyond mild approval and
speculative hopes.

There remains to support them the elite of the republican party, the
scholars and lovers of literature, who are honest and sincere thinkers,
who, worked upon by the current dogmas, have accepted the philosophical
catechism literally and seriously. Elected judges, or department,
district, and city administrators, commanders and officers of the
National Guard, presidents and secretaries of sections, they occupy
most of the places conferred by local authority, and hence their almost
unanimous protest seems at first to be the voice of France. In reality,
it is only the despairing cry of a group of staff-officers without an
army. Chosen under the electoral pressure with which we are familiar,
they possess rank, office and titles, but no credit or influence; they
are supported only by those whom they really represent, that is to
say, those who elected them, a tenth of the population, and forming a
sectarian minority. Aga