ncil of sitting
with closed doors. To this the Council replied that such a matter of
procedure concerned themselves alone. Howe replied by introducing into
the Assembly a series of twelve resolutions, embracing a general attack
on the Council for its secrecy, its irresponsibility, and its
ecclesiastical and social one-sidedness, and ending by an appeal to His
Majesty 'to take such steps as will ensure responsibility to the
Commons.' Eloquent though his speech was in defence of these
resolutions, he showed that he did not yet see the line along which
salvation was to come. 'You are aware,' he said, 'that in Upper {51}
Canada an attempt was made to convert the Executive Council into the
semblance of an English ministry, having its members in both branches of
the legislature, and holding their positions while they retained the
confidence of the country. I am afraid that these colonies, at all
events this province, is hardly prepared for the erection of such
machinery: I doubt whether it would work well here: and the only other
remedy which presents itself is, to endeavour to make both branches of
the legislature elective.' Howe had thus diagnosed the disease, but he
was inclined to prescribe an inadequate and probably harmful remedy.

The debate on the twelve resolutions was hot. On the question of opening
the doors of the Council, Howe had been unanimously followed, but his
general attack on that body roused strong feelings among its friends and
adherents in the Assembly, and though all his resolutions were passed, on
each vote there was a resolute minority. Yet the debate, though hot, was
on a high level, and does credit to the political capacity and the sense
of decorum of early Nova Scotia.

The Council were prompt to take up the gage of battle. A day or two
after their {52} receipt of the resolutions they returned a message which
ignored eleven of the twelve, but insisted on the rescinding of the one
which spoke of the disposition of some of their members 'to protect their
own interests and emoluments at the expense of the public.' They hinted
in unmistakable terms that, unless this was rescinded, they would refuse
to concur in a bill for voting supply. Their refusal to do so would have
meant that, while they were prepared to vote public funds to pay the
salaries of the officials, they would hold up all grants for roads,
bridges, education, and other public needs.

Great was the consternation. The member